DEBATES ABOUT GENDER EQUITY

Gender Equity Debates Which gender is best at gossiping?
Judy Baird RANGE Newsletter April 1996
While reading a book recently on interpersonal communication (Adler, R. Et al (1995) Interplay: 'Interplay: the process of interpersonal Communication: Harcourt Brace) I came across an interesting section on gender and language. While the subject can be confusing because of the many differences between people of the same gender in the way they speak, nevertheless some interesting facts emerged.

Reasons for communicating
Young children use language for gendered reasons, boys using it to gain power and control e.g. "Put those blocks there", while girls will aim at a more harmonious approach e.g. "Let's try it this way". The finding of Sachs (1987) are cited which showed that girls aged between two and five were more co-operative in their conversations listening than boys. 'These differences continue into adult life. Men say they like ease, camaraderie, humour and practical help with everyday problems they gain from talking with other men. All-women conversations appeal to women because they have a need for the empathy they receive without a sexual connotation. Studies show that women call each other more, and more frequently just to chat than do men.

Content What do men and women talk about, beyond what the stereotypes tell us about the "all-Australian Party" with the men down one end discussing football and the women up the other talking babies? According to several studies cited by Adler et al men like to talk to other men about subjects like sex and sexuality, personal appearance, music, current events, sports, business and other men. Topics of mutual interest seemed to be mainly work, movies and television. So when the sexes mix and try to converse with each other, such as in a relationship, each may see the conversation of the other as trivial. She looks for the emotional listening she has received in the past from women friends, but instead she receives the "quick-fix, shallow solution to her problems that he has been used to giving and receiving in all-male conversations".

Conversational Style
One of the reasons for women's speech being less powerful and more emotional than men's is that they tend to ask more questions t than men in mixed-sex conversations. While women are more aesthetic in their speech, men are more aggressive and interrupt more. Adler et al. say that in important situation like job interviews men can come across as more fluent and confident than the female contenders, although it seems reasonable that an assertive approach would always be more effective than an aggressive one.

Men dominate mixed-sex conversations, especially large groups, but in women-only situations women speak for longer periods uninterrupted than they do with men. In mixed groups the subjects raised by men are more likely to be discussed by the group than those raised by women, even though it is often the women who keep the conversation going. For example, a favorite topic of men in mixed group is themselves, and women go along with this.

Research shows that women who used tentative rather than powerful speech were better able to influence men than other women. In single sex groups women were more persuasive using a flexible approach, while language use had no effect on men's ability to persuade.

Other Factors
Surprisingly there were more significant differences within than between the different genders, in terms of the use of profanity, qualifiers such as "this is just my opinion", tag questions and in vocal fluency. Some studies found women managers more democratic and involved in interpersonal relationships with staff than males, who were more domineering and challenging. Alternatively some women feel that they have to behave more like men to make it in a male dominated area such as management, even to the extent of being a different person in and outside work.

Factors other than gender influence our use of language, e.g., a social philosophy such as feminism, a co-operative or competitive orientation towards problem-solving, and occupation. Male child-care workers were more likely to use language similar to female workers in their centres, than the type of language they would use with their children at home. Adler et al cite DeKlerk (1991) who found that the use of expletives by either men or women was related to the amount of power each had.

Social Roles
Other factors which may influence the way people speak are the setting for the conversation, the expertise of the speakers and their social roles, e.g. wife/husband, employer/employee. As women gradually change their roles, their style of speech will be different to that of previous generations. Sex roles do not always match gender e.g. there are "masculine" women and "feminine" men, but Adler et al says" "Whenever individuals interact, their messages have implication for how the power in their relationship will be distributed" (p.i77). As language reflects the attitudes of gradually equalise, with the result the speaker it is important to that there is likely to be more realise that masculinity and similarity in the language of the femininity are more culturally sexes in the future.

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Gender Equity Debates
Gender equity - not just for the girls?

Debbie Cole
RANGE Newsletter [Not dated]
Whilst many women struggle to gain equity in their respective workplaces, so do an increasing number of men, particularly in the area of early childhood services. Child care and kindergartens have long been traditionally female dominated areas, where very few men have been encouraged to enter. However, the benefits of having male workers is enormous! Having recently had a male worker join our 3-5 room we have been able to provide the children with more positive and realistic ideas about gender equity. The reality of a male working in a traditionally female dominated area enables the children to see that both men and women can work in non-traditional roles and fields. Children can also see men actively involved in domestic tasks and more importantly, as the primary caregiver. A male role model has also been beneficial in encouraging greater communication amongst the boys and helping them to feel good about themselves when they show greater care and respect for one another. They also learn that it is okay to play with dolls, dress up, make cakes and help put the washing out. Most importantly, it has encouraged both boys and girls to participate in experiences which have been traditionally gender-orientated. However, the challenge for early childhood educators is to ensure that all children are provided with equal opportunity to participate in the program. We must also begin this equity in the workplace and encourage men to become involved in the care and 'education of young children. Above all, we must always be positive role models ourselves!

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GENDER EQUITY IN THE ASIAN REGION
by Glenda MacNaughton

Nearly a quarter of the world's children live in the South Asian region (SAARC, 1992).Many of the nations in the region are working incredibly hard to provide some form of basic primary education for these children. The challenge is enormous and for many nations the provision of early childhood education and care provides an even greater economic and social challenge. The social and economic differences between nations in the region are immense but despite this they have come to several common agreements about the education of young children and the status of women in the region. This was recently formalised by South Asian countries in 1992 when they signed a resolution (known as the Colombo Resolution) stating that: "The intersecting needs of women and children and the contribution of women to the survival of the family should be recognised. Member states should therefore develop. programmes for improving the situation of the girls child and the status of women in their countries while moving towards elimination of all forms of discrimination against women by empowering them ". (SAARC, 1992) In the light of this, and other policy initiatives by UNESCO and UNICEF in 'developing' countries of the region, several countries have begun to reassess their approach to gender equity. According to UNICEF (1992) the following initiatives have begun in recent years:
- Reduction of gender disparity in education in Bangladesh, Brazil, India and the Sudan.
- A mobile teaching system to reach illiterate girls in Turkey.
- Targeting of girls education in India, Sudan, Turkey and Zambia.
- Recruitment of more female teachers in Bangladesh and Yemen to improve girls' enrolment in education.
The reasons for these developments have been discussed in a number of reports of the Asia and the Pacific Programme of Educational Innovation for Development (e.g. APEID, 1991). APEID argues that there is a strong need in the region to build community and parental awareness of the education of girls and the development on non-sexist curriculum "free from sex-bias" (APIED, 1991, p.8). This needs to include researching girls' participation in education, sensitising teachers to the needs of girls in the curriculum and the development of appropriate curriculum materials. Such initiatives indicate that the desire for gender equity is not just a western phenomena but reaching many divers nations in our region. They also indicate that the United Nations agencies in the region, such as APEID, actively support greater gender equity in education for all children, especially girls. Maybe in the coming years RANGE will develop links with some of the groups actively working for gender equity in other countries in our region.

REFERENCES
APEID (1991). Work Plan of Asia and the Pacific Programme of Educational Innovation for Development for Fifth Programming Cycle 1992-1996. Bangkok: UNESCO Principal Office for Asia and the Pacific.

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Researching Gender Justice
By Bev Murfin

Introduction
With regard to the construction of gender, researchers such as Alloway (1995) and MacNaughton (1995), claim that "eight's too late" and that' how children construct their gender identity as either a boy or a girl needs early identification. That is, when children first attend an educational institution, the way in which they construct their identity, through the construction of their sex/gender, needs to be a focus of attention for the educators in that setting. In my recent study (Murfin, 1996), children's gender relations and interactions in the preschool setting were investigated. This study came to the conclusion that sex/gender is a major structuring principle with regard to the way in which children construct their identities in this setting. the major findings of this study were that many children are essentialists in their beliefs and attitudes about what girls and boys can and cannot do; and that educators may not be aware of this feature of children's relationships with each other.

The results
Children construct their identities through interactions, or discourses, that are dominant in our society. 'Discourse' is the term currently used by post structuralist researchers to identify ideas, attitudes, and beliefs that indicate to an individual how they should behave, act and be seen by our society in order for them to be identified as male or female. These discourses imply that it is 'normal', 'natural', and 'common sense' for a male to be dominant ("boys will be boys") and for a female not to do battle ("sugar and spice and everything nice ). This is not to say that all boys and girls will construct their identity in a similar way. What it means is that, given discourses that are dominant, children select those that have relevance to their lives - their lives being a conglomeration of all past experiences. (To this end many boys) and some girls) construct their identities through masculinist discourses which can lead children to believe that males are superior to females; that males are competitive and must dominate not only females, but also other males; that rules of fair play do nor apply to males; and that dramatic play involves supremacy through aggression, heroism, war, death and killing (Muffin, 1996). Unless educators are aware that this is the way some boys are constructing their identity, this type of domination will go unnoticed, and thus condoned, in this setting. This will lead to perpetuation of the differences between the two sex/genders. Many girls (and some boys) construct their identity through feminine discourses which can lead children to believe that females must accept domination from males; that excluding males from play will prevent this domination; that females only have power in the domestic setting; and that females are passive, rule following. and hard working (Murfin, 1996). Again, unless educators are aware that this is the way some girls construct their identity, this type of domination will go unnoticed, and thus condoned. As implied previously, not all boys and not all girls construct their identities according to these dominant discourses and this where gendered relationships can be challenged.

Recommended praxis
Awareness is the key. If early childhood educators are aware of the discourses dominant in our society and of the discourses dominant in a particular educational setting, they will then be able to observe for themselves how children are constructing their sex/gender identities and will be able to intervene when these discourses result in an individual or a group of children (either as individuals, as in small groups, or in a whole group situation) what was happening, what was happening, what made them think they had the right to dominate others, and how they would feel if circumstances produced powerless subjectives for themselves. Other ways of initiating discussion of dominant discourses include bibliography, role plays, and persona dolls and puppet plays. Bibliography involves reading stories to children that introduce alternative, nontraditional, and ungendered ways of being and discussing these with children. Initially, children are bound to reject these alternative readings (Davies, 1989) but by presenting them on a regular basis the discourses dominant in the educational setting can be slowly changed and this will give children the opportunity to take up these discourses if they so desire. These storylines, with educator assistance, can be introduced into children's dramatic play to further reinforce ungendered discourses in this setting. Role plays by educators, parents, and the children themselves can be used to highlight gendered ways of interacting that oppress certain individuals. These discourses can also be highlighted through use of persona dolls and/or puppets as initiators for discussion.

Conclusion
In order to change the discourses dominant in a setting, awareness is vital. If oppressive ways of being are not observed by educators and attended to, non-intervention is tantamount to condoning these behaviours. Doing nothing not only does not move gender justice forward, it reinforces the status quo. Indicators that educators need to be looking for include: girls and/or boys dominating certain play areas or activities; same sex/gender play in certain activities; the words "no boys allowed"; and girls withdrawing from certain play areas because of boys competitiveness, aggression, or dominance. However, intervention is only the first step. If intervention in the form of educator supervision is the only praxis implemented, educators will constantly be needing to intervene. Intervention must be discussed with children in order to make available to them discourses that will enable them to choose ways of being that do not dominate others and that do not allow others to dominate them. Children have the resources to alter their subjectivities in ways which enable them to be powerful. What they need is an educational setting in which these ungendered discourses are available to them and in which they can freely choose ways of being which are dependent on what is vital to them as a person and what is needed to successfully be a boy or a girl.

References
Alloway, N. (1995). Foundation Stones: The construction of gender in early childhood. Canton, Victoria: Curriculum Corporation.
Davies, B. (1989). Frogs and snails and feminists tails: Preschool children and gender. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
MacNaughton, G. (1995). The power of Mum! Gender and power at play. Canberra: AEAC Resource Book Series, Vol 2, No 2, June, 1995.
Murfin, B. (1996). Children's gender relations in the preschool setting: Parent's and children's perspective's as indicators for change. Unpublished master's dissertation, Edith Cowan University, Perth, Western Australia.

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Date Created: 25 November 2003
Last Modified: 11 December 2020 12:25:07
Authorised By: Kate Alexander, Cluster/Centre Administrator, Melbourne Graduate School of Education
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